Soul still in shrines
Anuradha Dutt
The onset of
e c o n o m i c
liberalisation in
mid-1991spurred
Gurgaon's – now
named Gurugram -
growth from a rustic suburban
town into the millennium city,
considered almost at par with
the capital Delhi. As a hub of
business outsourcing
operations, it hosts an
estimated 250 Fortune 500
companies.
The rapidly changing skyline
of new Gurgaon is shaped by
high rises, fancy
condominiums, malls and
glitzy office complexes. But its
soul rests in the older section,
where the famed Sheetla
Mata temple draws pilgrims
from all parts. During the
Navratris, marked by
widespread worship of the
feminine divine over nine days
in spring and autumn, large
numbers of devotees camp in
the sprawling complex.
Sheetla Mata, a folk deity
who is propitiated for warding
off small pox and other
maladies that afflict children in
particular, is credited by locals
with having blessed Gurgaon
and adjoining villages with
prosperity. They owe their
newly acquired wealth largely
to land deals and burgeoning
real estate.
Smoke wafting up from
Vedic yagyas, performed in a
smaller shrine on the temple
premises by sadhus, with
dreadlocks coiled upon their
heads, embody the greater
Hindu tradition. The scene
evokes the ancient milieu of
Pigs in cages and goat roaming
about or resting in the shade
mark the divergence from the
greater tradition practices,
centring on sanitised modes of
worship, and offerings of fruits,
flowers and prasad, obtained
from non-violent sources. Here
devotees make the same
offerings but also include a black
strip of cloth, with even a female
priest dispensing prasad. Animals
and fowls outside are left in
thanksgiving for fulfillment of
wishes by devotees, either to be
set free or taken away by the
Valmikis.
the Mahabharata era, with
Gurugram believed to have
been the abode of Guru
Dronacharya who taught the
five Pandav princes and
hundred Kaurav princes the
art of archery. Some identify
the gold-plated image of the
goddess with the guru's wife;
and others with Lalita Devi.
The folk tradition is
exemplified by another
goddess shrine about half a
kilometre away, overlooking
the Harijan basti crossroads.
Worship at crossroads is
believed to be very potent in
diverse cultures, and has a
deep association with the
occult. Inside a small stone
structure upon a low altar
rests an engraving of Masani
Mata or Chhoti Sheetla Mata
on silver-hued metal.
Members of the Valmiki
community, sweepers by
profession, take care of the
shrine and function as priests.
It is customary for devotees
across castes and classes to
seek blessings here after first
worshipping at the Badi
Sheetla Mata Mandir.
Pigs in cages and goat
roaming about or resting in the
shade mark the divergence
from the greater tradition
practices, centring on sanitised
modes of worship, and
offerings of fruits, flowers and
prasad, obtained from nonviolent
sources. Here devotees
make the same offerings but
also include a black strip of
cloth, with even a female priest
dispensing prashad.
In local parlance crossroads are
termed 'chognan'. So the deity also
bears the name Chognan Mata.
Her other name, 'Masani', derives
perhaps from the Hindi word
'shamshan', cremation ground,
with a shamshan being located a
short distance away. A sadhu who
visits Gurgaon pilgrimages
frequently from Ajmer, says:
"The goddess's image rose up from
the ground. This site was then a
crematory. The temple was built
around it."
Animals and fowls outside
are left in thanksgiving for fulfillment of wishes by devotees, either to be set
free or taken away by the Valmikis. These votive
offerings embody a different impulse, linked to
the lesser or little tradition that subverts
mainstream mores. Stigmatised customs of
people who are marginalised or live outside the
social pale because they eat food and engage in
work considered taboo as per orthodox tenets,
are accepted here..
In local parlance crossroads are termed
'chognan'. So the deity also bears the name
Chognan Mata. Her other name, 'Masani', derives
perhaps from the Hindi word 'shamshan',
cremation ground, with a shamshan being located
a short distance away. A sadhu who visits Gurgaon
pilgrimages frequently from Ajmer, says:
"The goddess's image rose up from the ground.
This site was then a crematory. The temple was
built around it."
The event is dated to the remote past. The
goddess bears still another name – Tirahawali –
owing to three roads intersecting, rather than four
as is usual at crossroads. It accentuates her
association with the supernatural as intersections
are believed to be potent for invoking occult
powers and for working magic.
On the other side are shops that sell the routine
prashad, and which are run by people from the
Brahmin community. They live across the Valmiki
settlement that has mushroomed near the shrine.
A temple custodian, Capt Jagdish, a retired
Army officer, concedes that Valmikis rear pigs
and consume their flesh.
"But we are Hindus and don't eat beef," he says.
Those who adhere to sanitised practices and diet also worship here, after offering prayers at
the Sheetla Mata temple. Hence, this goddess is
also called Chhoti Mata, younger mother. Sheetla
Mata is the elder mother, revered also by
Valmikis. The greater and lesser traditions thus
merge.
A sadhu from Orissa, Ramsevak Baba, who
many years ago came to live in a small ashram
inside the Sheetla Mata temple complex, and
performs Vedic yagyas reveres the Valmiki-run
shrine too. So too the Rajput woman Chandrakala,
who, along with her husband, runs a prashad shop
near the elder goddess's shrine. Both places
command equal faith. Deepali Sharma, a devotee,
claims that she does the round of both places of
worship, in the customary order.
Capt. Jagdish avers that the shrines date back
about 2,000 years, but the old structures must
have been felled by the elements or marauders
and rebuilt numerous times. The tradition of
goddess worship is an anomaly in an aggressively
patriarchal milieu, where the writ of khap
panchayats still rules, and females are accorded
subordinate status, being forced into early
marriage, denied inheritance rights and otherwise
treated as chattel in areas where feudal mores
prevail. Khap panchayats, male-driven village
councils, preside over community affairs in a
manner that is reminiscent of Shariat
courts/panchayats. Shakti puja, therefore, is a
legacy of a more equitable age and society when
gender relations were at par, and females got
their due. And the widespread regard for the
subaltern shrine indicates that faith transcends
social barriers.